Venezuela’s turn to Israel is about survival, not conviction | Thoughts

Six months after the United States military ousted Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro, power in Latin America and the Caribbean has shifted in Washington’s favor. In Maduro’s place is Delcy Rodriguez, the vice president, who is now the president and Washington’s most trusted ally. Its rise has made the administration of US President Donald Trump its true friend in trying to revive US hegemony in the Western Hemisphere under the so-called “Donroe Doctrine”.

The challenge for Rodriguez is to convince Washington without losing power at home. In order to do this, his advisors are reconstructing the group that was already established in the social politics of the Hugo Chavez-Nicolas Maduro era as something more familiar, flexible and suitable for the new hemispheric order. His former “friends” are now closer than ever to opening up an alliance with Trumpism in Latin America.

Nowhere is the extent of Rodriguez’s transformation more apparent than in his outreach to Israel. Under his government, Caracas has begun to move towards a country viewed as an enemy by the “21st-century socialists” who have ruled Venezuela for the past 27 years.

From hostility to friendship

Throughout the Chavez-Maduro era, successive Venezuelan governments viewed Israel as a “genocide” and an “enemy of peace”, condemned almost all of Israel’s wars in the Middle East, and denounced its presence. Chavez severed ties with Israel in 2009 and expanded ties with the Islamic Republic of Iran, Israel’s arch-rival in the region, and with non-governmental organizations.

Rodriguez, however, has decided to follow through with Israel. Although he initially said that the US military intervention that ousted Maduro had “Zionist tendencies”, the president has been planning a way to restore relations with the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

In late February, his administration took the unusual step of avoiding blaming Washington or Tel Aviv for the US-Israeli attack on Iran. Instead, the Venezuelan Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement calling for “dialogue” and condemning Iran’s retaliation against countries in the region that are taking US military equipment. The statement alienated Caracas from Tehran and signaled that the Rodriguez government would not support Iran in its fight against the United States and its allies in the region.

In April, the president-elect made direct contact with the Jewish community in Venezuela, which was to make sure he was open to dealing with Israel.

He sent the Jewish community of Venezuela and Rabbi Isaac Cohen of Venezuela a warm Passover greeting on social media, praising the Jewish people and promoting peace and mutual respect between cultures and religions. A few days later, he addressed Rabbi Cohen and Venezuelan Jews in a televised address, assuring them that Venezuela had no “anti-Semitic environment”.

The devastating earthquakes that occurred in Venezuela in June gave the Rodriguez administration another opportunity to improve its relations with Israel. After 17 years without diplomatic relations, Venezuela publicly thanked Israel for sending an emergency response team. The former president also praised the Israeli delegation’s skills in search and rescue and infrastructure inspections. The mission marked the first contact between Israeli and Venezuelan officials in many years, opening the door to reestablishing ties between the two countries.

A new assistant in the fight against life

These are some of the measures that the Venezuelan government took to protect its power. The pragmatism behind them is driven by a number of challenges.

First, Rodriguez’s plan includes showing strong cooperation with US foreign policy in Latin America and beyond to secure Trump’s support and stay in power. Along with his efforts at rapprochement with Israel, the former president has reached out to Trump allies, including President Javier Milei of Argentina and President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador. He has accepted US demands to open oil, mining and electricity sectors in Venezuela, and has allowed the deployment of US troops to help with the earthquake.

The second element of this strategy is to alienate the Venezuelan government from Washington’s former enemies, such as Iran and non-governmental organizations, including Lebanon’s Hezbollah. For years, Venezuela’s leaders, including the president, have been accused by Washington of their involvement in financial and “terrorist” activities linked to such groups.

A few weeks after Maduro’s ouster, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned of an alliance between Maduro’s government and the Lebanese government. In response, Rodriguez’s administration moved to Venezuela suspected Hezbollah allies: Ali Zaki Hage Jalil to Panama and Alex Saab to the United States. Hage Jalil is accused of “terrorism” by the Panamanian government, while Saab is accused in the US of financial and other crimes.

Another driver of the Venezuelan government’s approach to Israel is domestic politics. Maria Corina Machado, the main critic and main opponent of Rodriguez, has built a strong alliance with Israel over the years, especially with Prime Minister Netanyahu. If Rodriguez wins Netanyahu at Machado’s expense, Machado could lose one of his most important sources of support, both internationally and in Washington, where Israel’s lobbying network has great influence. To that end, Rodriguez has taken a pro-Israel stance while visiting Venezuelan Jewish groups with strong ties to Israel.

Therefore, the agreement between Venezuela and Israel is part of a strategy calculated by the Venezuelan government to consolidate its power, weaken its main domestic enemy and convince Washington that Caracas is distancing itself from actors Washington considers enemies, such as Iran and Hezbollah.

Rodriguez’s government seems to be driven less by emotion than by survival. So far, this method has served its purpose. But whether the deal can survive the weight of 27 years of anti-Israel rhetoric and forge a lasting alliance with a government the ruling party has long viewed as an enemy is uncertain.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial policy.